42nd & Grace

Reconciliation is not optional.

Whether rooted in the Crown’s legal obligations or in the moral imperative to address a historic wrong that continues to shape lives today, the fact remains: we must find a workable path forward.

British Columbia sits in a unique position. Unlike most of Canada, few treaties were ever signed here – a fact often overlooked. Years ago, Gordon Campbell, once a fierce critic of the Nisga’a Treaty, came to recognize that the courts would lead if governments refused to. Negotiated agreements, he concluded, were preferable to outcomes imposed by the judiciary. And that path was trod for many years.

Then came DRIPA – the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act – introduced by Premier John Horgan and Attorney General David Eby. It was B.C.’s attempt to build a new framework, grounded in UN protocols, to guide reconciliation. Notably, no other province implemented UNDRIP in this way.

Now, however, the irony is unavoidable: the person presiding over the greatest turbulence in reconciliation is Premier David Eby himself.

A series of court rulings – touching on private property rights, mineral exploration and the nature of consent – have pushed DRIPA to the forefront of provincial politics. The courts have simply applied the rules the provincial government created. Yet as premier, Eby has not articulated a clear path forward, leaving uncertainty to grow. In fact, his ever-changing positions has left everyone flummoxed.

First Nations have little reason to retreat from rights the province itself recognized, especially on the central question of consent. Meanwhile, opposition parties on the right have seized on the confusion to rally supporters and pose the blunt question: who is actually in charge of British Columbia?

Lost in all of this are the people on the ground.

Those living on- and off-reserve. Workers unsure whether projects can proceed. Investors wondering if the rules will shift beneath them. Homeowners questioning the security of their property. DRIPA was a sound aspirational goal; it has become a deeply challenging operational reality.

Where do things stand now? First Nation leaders have agreed to “work together on a path forward to discuss and consider the government’s stated concerns.” It is not an especially encouraging position. But it is understandable: why would they relinquish what the province willingly granted?

For everyone who is not a politician, however, this cannot remain unresolved. Letting resentment build – in any direction – is not a path forward. Overheated rhetoric helps no one.

A practical starting point: end the secret talks.

Bring together key leaders — Indigenous, municipal, business, and yes, opposition parties — to work through this together. Think of it as a unionist approach to governance. At a moment when the province feels frayed and close to fracturing, a unified process may be the only thing that prevents deeper division.

It will require cooperation and concessions from all sides. Certainty around land, project approvals, private property rights and revenue sharing must be addressed directly.

And the truth is unavoidable: the provincial government cannot resolve this alone – Eby simply doesn’t have the standing anymore. After months of delay, it is time for the premier to bring in reinforcements.